Category: North America

  • कनाडा की खनन कम्पनियों का लूटतन्त्र और पूँजीपतियों, सरकार तथा एनजीओ का गँठजोड़

    कनाडा में पंजीकृत लगभग 1300 खदान कम्पनियों में से बहुत सी कम्पनियों का मालिकाना कनाडा के नागरिकों के पास नहीं है, लेकिन फिर भी ज़्यादातर खदान कम्पनियाँ कनाडा को अपना मुख्य ठिकाना बनाती हैं, इसका कोई कारण तो होगा ही। असल में कनाडा की सरकार खदान कम्पनियों पर कनाडा में पंजीकरण करवाने के लिए कोई सख्त शर्त नहीं लगाती। मसलन ये कम्पनियाँ विदेशों में अपने कारोबार के दौरान क्या करती हैं, इसमें कनाडा की सरकार बिल्कुल दख़ल नहीं देती। लेकिन अगर किसी देश की सरकार कनाडा में पंजीकृत किसी खदान कम्पनी को अपने यहाँ खनन करने से रोकती है, उस पर श्रम क़ानून लागू करने की कोशिश करती है तो कनाडा के राजदूत तथा कनाडा की सरकार उस देश की सरकार पर दबाव डालती है, उसे मजबूर करती है कि वह ऐसा न करे, या फिर स्थानीय सरकार तथा कम्पनी में समझौता करवाती है। इसके अलावा, जनविरोध से निपटने के लिए स्थानीय सरकार को कम्पनी को पुलिस तथा अर्धसैनिक बल मुहैया करवाने के लिए राजी करती है। कनाडा में पंजीकृत कम्पनी अन्य देशों में टैक्स देती है या नहीं, इससे भी कनाडा सरकार को कोई लेना-देना नहीं। कनाडा की सरकार ख़ुद भी खदान कम्पनियों को क़ानूनों के झंझट से मुक्त रखती है। अब अगर ऐसी सरकार मिले तो कोई पूँजीपति कनाडा क्यों नहीं जाना चाहेगा। अब जब कनाडा की खदान कम्पनियों के कुकर्मों की पोल खुलने लगी है (जिसका उनके बिज़नेस पर बुरा असर पड़ सकता है), तो कनाडा की सरकार उनकी छवि सँवारने तथा उनको “सामाजिक तौर पर ज़िम्मेदार कारपोरेट”” दिखाने के लिए जनता की जेबों से निकाले गये टैक्स के पैसों को कम्पनियों के हितों पर कुर्बान कर रही है।

    The post कनाडा की खनन कम्पनियों का लूटतन्त्र और पूँजीपतियों, सरकार तथा एनजीओ का गँठजोड़ appeared first on मज़दूर बिगुल.

  • Restaurant workers demand justice

    Restaurant workers demand justice

    A protest was organized in front of Liberato Restaurant in the Bronx, N.Y., on June 10. Workers employed at the restaurant explained a number of grievances, including not being paid a minimum wage, not getting overtime pay, working in an unsafe environment, sexual harassment by male managers and their tips being misappropriated. Community and political […]

    This report Restaurant workers demand justice appeared first on Workers World.

  • 600 Casino Workers Vote On UNITE-HERE Representation

    By Doug Cunningham

    Roughly six hundred casino workers at northern California’s Graton Resort and Casino could have a union soon. They are voting this week on whether or not to join UNITE-HERE. The Federated Indians of Graton Rancheria tribal Chair Greg Sarris is pro-union and put language into the casino’s gaming contract with the state. Sarris says he wants unions at the casino to ensure his dream of a more equitable society. Voting will continue among the 600 workers into the weekend.

     

  • Transit workers conduct one-day strike in Philadelphia

    Transit workers conduct one-day strike in Philadelphia

    Bulletin: The workers went back to work on June 15 by order of the Obama administration.   June 14 — Workers that run 13 of Philadelphia’s regional rail lines are walking picket lines instead, the first such strike in 31 years against the Southeastern Pennsylvania Transportation Authority (SEPTA). The 220 engineers in the Brotherhood of […]

    This report Transit workers conduct one-day strike in Philadelphia appeared first on Workers World.

  • Obama’s Intervention Ends Philly Rail Strike

    By Doug Cunningham

    President Obama’s intervention in the Philadelphia rail strike put striking workers back to work Sunday, creating a presidential emergency board to resolve the labor dispute. Obama’s action came at the request of Pennsylvania governor Tom Corbett.

    The strike started Saturday as 430 workers, including engineers and electrical workers, hit the picket lines. International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers local 744 President Terry Gallagher says after five years without a labor agreement, Obama’s intervention is what his union was waiting for. Arthur Davidson is General Chairman of the IBEW.

    [Arthur Davidson]: “We agreed to binding arbitration, which would have resolved it in no strike whatsoever but SEPTA refused too accept that.”

    The Philadelphia SEPTA strike was the first in 31 years. Pensions and wages are the main issues. The striking workers are covered under the Railway Labor Act, which sets up special requirements for handling labor disputes. The workers are ordered back to work and barred from striking saga in for 240 days while a mediation process plays out. Stephen Bruno, Vice-President of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers and Trainmen, says his members will return to work upon receipt of the Obama’s executive order. Bruno wants to see an additional raise of three percent for his members to make up for pension enhancements given to other SEPTA workers back in 2009.

     

  • The real significance of Cinco de Mayo

    Tampa, FL – It is Cinco de Mayo, or May 5, but before you participate in “Cinco de Drink-o” and yell, “Happy Mexico Independence Day!” read this article.

    In the late 1960s the Chicano movement started to commemorate the battle of Puebla and held annual events to mark that history. Over the years the Cinco de Mayo events spread to the point that they reached the ‘mainstream.’ Then U.S. beer companies started to sponsor the Cinco de Mayo events. Eventually Cinco de Mayo increasingly lost its political significance and became a marketing tool for alcohol and other products.

    Looking back, it all started around 1862. Mexican President Benito Juárez, of indigenous, Oaxacan descent, declared Mexico would not pay any foreign debts for two years. France reacted by sending in troops to Mexico and demanding payment. What happened on May 5 was the Mexican victory in La Batalla de Puebla, or the Battle of Puebla. The battle was fought in the state of Puebla, Mexico and it was one of the few victories against the French. The poorly-equipped Mexican army defeated the powerful French army.

    Just under 15 years earlier, in 1848, Mexico was invaded by another foreign power – the United States. After supporting pro-slavery American settlers who broke Texas away from Mexico, the U.S. took one-third of the land of Mexico, which is now the states of California, Nevada, Arizona, Utah, New Mexico, Colorado, and even parts of Wyoming, Kansas and Oklahoma.

    Once-Mexican people would now become trapped in a land that would not acknowledge them as Americans and one that Mexico would shun as non-Mexican. This was in 1848 – the U.S. war and takeover of what is now called the U.S. Southwest would become the homeland of the Chicano nation.

    In Mexico, the Battle of Puebla is still remembered and will forever remain a victory for the Mexican people. But Cinco de Mayo is not celebrated in Mexico the way it is commercially celebrated in the U.S. In the U.S., we see major companies and various types of businesses push for parties, drinking, new liquors and ‘Mexican’ memorabilia.

    The fact is, Cinco de Mayo is not mentioned in the U.S. as a day when Mexicans fought and won against foreign domination and in particular against France, which is still sending its troops to other countries. Never is the day called “La Batalla de Puebla,” and much less is it ever linked to the Chicano Nation and how it came to exist.

    Donning ‘sombreros’ and shaking maracas is just plain incorrect and should not be encouraged. As far as the Independence of Mexico goes, that day is the 16th of September. In 1810 when father Miguel Hidalgo gave the Grito de Dolores, a cry for independence from Spain. And while U.S. beer companies and Dos Equis will keep finding a new beer to market, we remind everyone Cinco de Mayo meant much more to the people than getting drunk. The fifth of May symbolized the day people united to fight back against colonization and against the pillaging of their people by a foreign occupier.

    Marisol Marquez is a member of Freedom Road Socialist Organization. Marquez organizes in Tampa with a group called Raices En Tampa. If you wish to contact her, you can message her on her twitter account: twitter.com/elmaryelsol

  • Leftist wins presidency in El Salvador

    San Salvador, El Salvador – Salvador Sanchez Ceren, Marxist leader, former guerrilla commander, teacher and trade unionist, won the March 9 presidential run-off elections by a narrow 6634 votes of the nearly 3 million cast, over the right-wing candidate, Norman Quijano.

    Voters turned out in record numbers. 63% of the eligible population voted, and though the margin was narrow, Ceren’s 1.4 million votes were greater than any other president received in the history of the country. Sanchez Ceren is a leader of the left-wing Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN), while Quijano is the candidate of the right-wing Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) party. El Salvador is still deeply polarized 22 years after the end of the country’s civil war that pitted FMLN rebels against ARENA’s right-wing military rule.

    As the Salvadoran National Electoral Authority (TSE) worked to verify the final vote count that showed the FMLN winning, members of ARENA took a slew of actions to delay the process and ultimately tried to nullify the process as a whole. Charging the TSE with fraud on election day but not publicizing any evidence, ARENA walked out halfway through the final count, only returning after the TSE said they would continue the count with or without ARENA’s participation. This followed inflammatory remarks issued by ARENA candidate Norman Quijano late on election day, in which he declared victory before the initial vote count was even completed, implored his party faithful to not “allow this victory to be stolen from us like it was in Venezuela” and to “prepare for war.” He further called upon the Salvadoran army to intervene in the nation’s politics and impose him as victor in spite of the official vote count showing him losing. This would have basically amounted to a coup.

    Quijano’s call for the military to intervene and impose his victory resulted in a tense situation for a country still recovering from the ravages of a bloody civil war that ended in 1992, in which the army was used as a brutal repressive force against popular movements and the left. Given the history of military repression in the country, many breathed a sigh of relief when the defense minister and military leaders held a press conference midweek to affirm their chain of command and to denounce efforts to manipulate the armed forces.

    Reports from thousands of national and international observers contradicted ARENA’s claims of fraud and instead congratulated Salvadoran voters and electoral authorities for conducting a transparent and efficient process. The United Nations, the Organization of American States and the U.S. State Department all echoed observers’ assessment of the elections as clean and fair. Many organizations that have observed all the Salvadoran elections since the 1992 peace accords stated that this was the most transparent election they have seen here, with several new anti-fraud and transparency measures implemented for the first time. Late on Sunday, March 16, the TSE certified the elections and officially declared Salvador Sanchez Ceren the president-elect.

    On Saturday, March 15, a week after the election, hundreds of thousands of FMLN supporters rallied to celebrate and defend the FMLN election victory. Meanwhile ARENA party faithful continue to protest the election results and call for the elections to be annulled. Their actions appear to be taking a page out of the Venezuelan right wing’s destabilization playbook. It comes as no surprise that JJ Rendon, former campaign manager for Venezuelan right-wing opposition candidate Henrique Capriles, was hired by ARENA to run their flagging electoral campaign last year. The cries of fraud in El Salvador echoed Capriles’s cries of fraud when he lost last year’s election in Venezuela against leftist Nicolas Maduro, despite international observers certifying the election as clean in both cases.

    ARENA’s campaign focused on fomenting fear that if the FMLN won, El Salvador would become the “next Venezuela.” This drumbeat of fear was ramped up to a fevered pitch in the last few weeks before the March 9 runoff election. The right wing used their control of mass media to bombard people with the message that Venezuela means “chaos and violence.” They saturated the media with ads from the Nationalist Republican Youth playing ominous music over footage of snipers and street violence. This has an impact in a country like El Salvador with a recent civil war and high rates of ongoing street violence.

    Fear mongering and a massive infusion of campaign funds from ANEP, the National Association of Private Enterprise, raised the turnout for ARENA in the second round runoff election, but it was not enough to deliver the victory that the right wing hoped for. Instead. the Salvadoran people elected a left-wing former guerrilla commander who is openly allied with Venezuela, Cuba and socialists around the world, to be the commander in chief of El Salvador.

    The close results in the March 9 runoff election were a surprise for many, as Sanchez Ceren beat Quijano by 10 points in the first round election in February, but fell just short of the 50%-plus-1 needed to win without a runoff between the top two parties. In polls right before the March 9 runoff election, Sanchez Ceren held a commanding 10 to 15% lead over Quijano. However, in the first round, the right wing was divided between two candidates, ARENA’s Quijano and the Grand Alliance for National Unity’s (GANA) Tony Saca. GANA was formed in a recent acrimonious split from ARENA. Their candidate Tony Saca was president of El Salvador for ARENA from 2004-2009. GANA received nearly 10% of the vote in the first round election in February.

    Some assumed, incorrectly, that because GANA split so recently from ARENA that their supporters may lean toward the FMLN in the runoff election. But El Salvador is a country deeply polarized between left and right with virtually no political center. It seems likely that people who voted for GANA in the first round shifted their vote to the other right-wing party, ARENA, in the second round, contributing to the runoff election being closer than most had predicted.

    ARENA ruled El Salvador from 1989 to 2009, and its roots are in the right-wing death squads during El Salvador’s civil war. Its founder was Roberto D’Aubuisson, responsible for ordering Archbishop Romero’s assassination in 1980, and founder of the notorious right-wing death squads. In 20 years of governance, they implemented devastating neoliberal programs, including privatization of key services and the conversion of the economy to the U.S. dollar, which leaves the country tied to the ebbs and flows of the U.S. economy. During their terms in office, ARENA was also wracked with multiple corruption scandals. For example Francisco Flores, El Salvador’s president from 1999-2004 is being investigated by numerous agencies, including the U.S. Internal Revenue Service for the disappearance of over $10 million of Taiwanese development funds during his administration.

    The FMLN, on the other hand, voices their commitment to a socialist vision for El Salvador, though their ability to implement that vision has been and will continue to be limited by severe resistance from the rich and the right wing of the country, the lack of productive and natural resources, and pressure from international funding sources.

    The FMLN has held the presidency of El Salvador since 2009, but the current president, Mauricio Funes, is not a party member and the FMLN has had to govern in a sort of coalition, dividing up positions with Funes’s more moderate forces. So since 2009 the FMLN has focused their efforts on smaller social reforms that have been widely popular, and were largely responsible for the FMLN winning the rural vote that had been voting for ARENA for the past decade. They brought free health care to neglected areas of the countryside; eliminated the ‘voluntary’ fees for health care and schools; and issued land titles to small farmers that were first promised during the 1992 peace accords.

    FMLN President-elect Sanchez Ceren served as the Minister of Education in the Funes administration and oversaw the most popular of the programs, the Paquete Escolar, or School Packet, program that provides every public school student with supplies, uniforms and a daily meal, all for free. The health and education programs have had a particularly profound impact on women and girls, who are often left behind when families are forced to pay for education. The FMLN also instituted a number of significant labor policies, including full legal recognition of public sector unions and granting full protection to domestic workers, which benefits upwards of 80,000 women housekeepers, nannies and cooks who have often been working in slave-like conditions.

    Polarization and the belligerence of the Salvadoran right wing will be a challenge for the FMLN as they work to deepen their modest social and economic programs and further their vision for Salvadoran society. As Roger Blandino Nerio, Social Movement Secretary for the FMLN, stated, “We can only implement as much socialism as the population will allow.”

    The Salvadoran right-wing is hell-bent on preventing even modest reforms from being instituted and will continue its destabilization efforts. The U.S. government has stated that they will work with an FMLN government, but history has shown that they will work to undermine and prevent real reforms that alter existing relations of power from moving forward. The need for solidarity with the FMLN, the labor and social movement and the Salvadoran people will be great in the coming period as they build an alternative vision – one that isn’t based on capitalism – for their country.

    Cherrene Horazuk is the president of AFSCME Local 3800, the union of clerical workers at the University of Minnesota, and the former Executive Director of CISPES, the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador. She was an accredited observer of the March 9 presidential elections, and has been observing El Salvador’s elections since 1994.

     

  • University of Arizona presentation on the self-defense movements of Mexico

    Tucson, AZ – The usual evening at the University of Arizona might involve young males playing war simulations on video game players. That is unless there is a public presentation and discussion of armed indigenous groups battling Mexican drug cartels.

    On Wednesday, February 19, 2014, Simon Sedillo, an activist filmmaker, shared his experience filming “El Movimiento de Autodefensas” (“The Self-Defense Movements”) with fifty University of Arizona students and local activists. Autodefensas are armed indigenous groups that are kicking out the drug cartels in the states of Guerrero and Michoacán. The people are saying “Ya Basta!” to the violence, corruption, and hopeless desperation of living in cartel-controlled areas. Filmmaker Sedillo described the cartel-controlled towns as “The Hood.” In these places, cartels bribe elected officials, police, and military and the community suffers. Taking up arms, communities are now determining their own lives in their ancestors’ territory.

    In the agricultural fields of Michoacán, corn, timber, and fruits are harvested but two commodities dominate production: avocados and marijuana. Michoacán is the worlds leading producer in avocados, and marijuana is a hugely profitable cash crop. In 2010, in the town of Periban, the Knights Templar cartel (KT) seized total control after eliminating its competitors. Competing with rivals, the KT initially appeared community-oriented by building schools and funding projects. However, once control was complete, the KT turned on the community and extorted 50% from any profits that people made. From lemon pickers, avocado farm owners, to tortilla vendors, everybody had to pay. Refusal to comply resulted in threats, and then in torture. Continued refusal meant the KT killed your family, and eventually killed you with a plastic bag over your head.

    In three short years, the terror campaign launched by the KT took many forms. A form of rape called “prima nocta” used by kings and nobles in medieval Europe, involves KT bosses forcing themselves on brides, while their husbands are held hostage. Killing, torture, extortion and kidnapping grip the communities in fear.

    In the most desperate of situations however, the people of Periban and other communities began to rise up in arms. Former gang members turned community defenders grabbed their automatic weapons, while other community members grabbed hunting rifles. With police and politicians long gone, the abandoned vehicles and artillery of the police became the communities’ resources. Boldly, the community defenders began to hunt down and kill members of the KT. After initial success, even lower level members of the KT began begging to switch sides and join the autodefensas. The upper level KT sought to consolidate power by killing off rank and file members of the autodefensas. However, entry into the autodefensas by outsiders is almost impossible.

    Who are the autodefensas?

    The corporate media casts the autodefensas as vigilantes. Others are less certain; Laura Carlsen of the Center for International Policy, joining the conversation from Mexico City by phone, described the autodefensas as “a bunch of men running around with guns.”

    In the room at University of Arizona, Sedillo clarified: “the mainstream media and the official line claim the self-defense patrols are composed of marauding militias. Not true. Comunitarios is what the people in this part of the state call the self-defense groups in order to clarify their relationship to the community. They are from the community and are therefore comunitarios (communitarians).”

    Many communities are returning to traditional ways of governing themselves while also adopting new methods. Both include consensus decision-making and participatory democracy in the form of assemblies. These assemblies decide what is to be done. So the armed groups do not act without the consent of the community, but are accountable to the assemblies.

    Ms. Carlsen cautioned the “militarized nature” of this movement and advocated a peaceful, nonviolent approach. She feels it could lead to further destabilization and an escalation of Federal and paramilitary involvement.

    Carlsen was immediately confronted by an audience member who said: “Malcolm X’s analogy of people sitting on a hot stove and not letting them up best describes your liberal attitude toward these communities right to self-determination and to use force to end the KT’s rape, murder, and torture of their families!”

    The assemblies also decided to root out the remaining elements of the “narcocultura.” For example, a famous “narcocorrido” singer was barricaded from entering Periban to play a scheduled concert. Communities are operating their own TV, radio, and newspapers. They are connected to the indigenous struggles in Chiapas, inspired by the Zapatistas. Solidarity and support is also coming from groups of people in Mexico City.

    Two things stuck out in the presentation: On the one hand, the KT’s capitalist tendency to expand and dominate by investing in productive enterprises such as agriculture and manufacturing, in addition to their drug, gun, and human trafficking operations.

    On the other hand, and much to Sedillo’s pleasant surprise, three mestizo communities are following the indigenous autodefensas inspiration and forcibly removed the cartels from their communities. “If you told me two years ago that I’d be talking about mestizo autodefensas, I would have said you’re crazy,” smiled Sedillo.

    Interestingly, the Federal Government approached the comunitarios for dialogue and the opportunity to become legalized and registered. But this is because “they must admit that it is the comunitarios who know exactly who is involved, where they are hiding, and what the cartel has done to their families over the last several years. The government officials admit that without the help of the comunitarios, it would be impossible to get rid of the Knights Templar cartel. It is clear that the comunitarios have the upper hand in this situation.”

    Unlike Carlsen, Sedillo actually spent time in these “warzones,” giving him access to community members’ voices. Sedillo added that the community members he spoke with named two big fears: “this list of comunitarios names will later be used to criminalize and incarcerate the comunitarios after they have accomplished the task at hand, ridding their state of the Knights Templar” and that “the whole agreement is pure theater, an act by the federal government to buy time and gain control of the situation.”

    Two elderly women from Apatzingan told Sedillo under condition of anonymity: “Why are they signing now? Why work with the government when we have proven that we don’t need them to organize and defend ourselves? Why sign with the white-collar criminals?”

    While drugs, bribery, corruption, and violence cross the US-Mexico border, so too does the fight back. Reports say community members who were living in the US returned home to play a role in this struggle for self-determination. One such person, Nestora Salgado, a strong, dynamic indigenous woman and naturalized US citizen is imprisoned in Mexico since August 21, 2013. Her “crime” is participating in her community’s legal right to form a community police force to protect themselves against the cartels.

    Despite the violence and intensity, Sedillo said he felt safe in what is “liberated territory.”

    The domination of the US over Mexico sees the marriage of drugs and high finance. Profits, prisons, and violence hit both sides, but unequally. In the US, banks launder $350 billion, while mass incarceration is over two million. In Mexico, cartel violence has killed 100,000 and disappeared 10,000 in the last seven years. Banks get the money, the poor get prison, and many Mexicans are displaced, disappeared, or murdered.

    For more information about the autodefensas visit: http://elenemigocomun.net/

     

     

  • Texas plan to execute Mexican national Edgar Tamayo on Jan. 22 sparks worldwide outrage

    Huntsville, TX – On Jan. 22 at 6:00 p.m., the State of Texas is planning to execute Mexican national Edgar Tamayo by lethal injection. The planned execution has sparked intense controversy and a broad international movement demanding that Texas halt the execution. Texas has executed far more people than any other state in the U.S., a disproportionate number of them Black and Latino.

    Edgar Tamayo, a laborer from Morelos, México living in Texas, was convicted of killing a Houston police officer in 1994. But Tamayo was not informed of his right as guaranteed in an international treaty known as the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, to contact the Mexican consulate and request their assistance. In 2004, the United Nations’ International Court of Justice ordered the U.S. to reconsider the convictions of 51 Mexicans, including Tamayo, who had been sent to death row without being informed of their consular rights. Nine of those 51 are on death row in Texas. So far, two of that group has been executed; Tamayo would be the third.

    Tamayo’s lawyer Sandra Babcock said that if Tamayo would have been notified of his right to contact the Mexican consulate he could have received consular protection and thereby would have had lawyers and investigators that likely could have prevented him from getting sentenced to death, even if he were still found guilty.

    Babcock noted that Texas Governor Rick Perry could still commute the death sentence, saying on Univisión, “We still haven’t received a response to our petition for executive clemency, which would commute the death sentence.” But observers note that based on Texas’ general practice, a commutation of the sentence is highly unlikely without massive pressure.

    The Mexican government has pressed Texas to stop the execution of Tamayo. In a statement on Jan. 19, Mexico’s foreign ministry said, “If Edgar Tamayo’s execution were to go ahead without his trial being reviewed and his sentence reconsidered … it would be a clear violation of the United States’ international obligations.” In the streets in México the outrage is more visceral: at protests in Cuernavaca, the capital of the Mexican state of Morelos, protesters burned U.S. flags and shut down businesses associated with the U.S. such as McDonalds and Burger King.

    Texas’ planned execution of Tamayo causes problems for the U.S. government around the world, not just in México. That’s because if the U.S. government continues to violate the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations by executing foreign nationals without notifying them of their right to get help from their country’s consulate, then the U.S. government’s demand for such rights for U.S. nationals in other countries are less likely to be honored.

    The Texas Death Penalty Abolition Movement is planning a protest outside the prison in Hunstville, where the execution would take place, starting at 5:00 p.m. on Jan. 22, an hour before the scheduled execution. On Facebook, a member of Tamayo’s family encouraged people to sign an online petition (in Spanish) demanding that Texas Governor Rick Perry stop Tamayo’s execution. There is also a sample letter here you can send to Governor Perry and the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles demanding they stop Edgar Tamayo’s execution.

  • Cuba’s infant mortality rate lowest in history, better than U.S.

    Havana, Cuba – Cuba ended 2013 with an infant mortality rate of 4.2 per 1000 live births, the lowest level in the socialist island’s history. Cuba’s infant mortality rate was significantly better than neighboring Caribbean and Latin American countries and even better than the U.S. infant mortality rate, which was estimated at 5.2 for 2013.

    Infant mortality rate is considered one of the key indicators of health in a society. A lower rate is better, meaning fewer babies die before reaching one year of age. The rates are directly affected by the quality of prenatal and postnatal care that mothers and their babies receive.

    Other Third World countries near Cuba had estimated 2013 infant mortality rates exponentially higher than Cuba: Haiti’s rate was 50.92, Dominican Republic’s rate was 11.99, Jamaica’s rate was 13.98 and Mexico’s rate was 16.26. The difference between those numbers and Cuba’s infant mortality rate of 4.2 can only be explained by socialist Cuba’s free, universal public health care system.

    Cuba’s health system is the envy of the world. Despite being a poor country under a decades-long blockade by the U.S. government, the Caribbean island country’s population’s health rivals and even bests the richest capitalist countries in the world, and is light years ahead of other poor countries. Cuba continues to show ongoing health improvements among the population because their health system implements the socialist value of putting the wellbeing of the people first, rather than aiming to making profits off of health care.